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Russian School of Anthropogy (RSUH)

Philosophy Department of the Higher School of Economics

St. Petersburg Plato Philosophical Society

Center of Ancient and Medieval Philosophy and Science of the Institute of Philosophy (RAS)

 

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE "PLATO AND PLATONISM IN EUROPEAN CULTURE"

September 6-8, 2012

ABSTRACTS

Vyatcheslav IVANOV, The Russian Anthropological School of the Russian State Humanities University and The Institute of the World Culture of the Moscow Lomonosov State University. Early eastern-indo-european mythopoetic sourses of Plato terms

In studying the earliest period of the development of Plato’s terminology it is necessary to compare it to the old Pythagorian tradition. The most archaic origin of the latter becomes possible to study applying a comparison to the reconstruction of the vocabulary of the early Eastern Indo-European mythpoetic traditions that were continued in Vedic and Avestan texts.
The studies of «Cratylos» have established that the theory of etablishing of the names as discussed in this dialogue is not invented by Plato. It was taken from an earlier Pythagorian tradition (Goldschmidt 1940, Tronsky1936а, b). But in the latter the image of a person who had established the names went back to the prescientific mythpoetic images inherited from the time of an proto-Greek-Indo-Iranian common legacy. Thus it becomes possible to find the archaic sources of the terms used in a well-known discussion about the way how the words acquired their meanings: whether it was done according to their contents (that is, by the referents which they denoted) “by nature’ (φύσει) or «by a habit, by a law» (νόμω), «according to the setting» (θέσει, a much later usage, сf. Tronsky1936а, p. 26). An opposition of setting be a law (νόμωι) and natural adequacy (φύσει) wasnherent to the Greek thought of the V century B.C. and was realized in different fields: in the law, morals, politics, science, religion; this opposition in particular is seen in the difference between establishing names by a law and by their natural adequacy. Thei Classical discussion anticipated later semiotic discussions concerning the character of the link between a signifier and the signified part of a sign in language. This discussion was connected to areshaping of theancient terms and corresponding notions. Thus for this discussion the notion of the nature was particularly important. It oroginated in the ancient vocabulary of the magical medicine. As the other Greek terms of the same semantic field it was dented by the word φύσις. It was connected to the old Indo-european tradition as most other words of similar semantic groups (cf. Toporov 2010). As far as the combinations like όνόματα τίθεσται ‘to establish names”, Old Indian (Vedic) namadhā-, they might go back even to a much older period of the development of the Indo-European dialects. A similar conclusion may be made in relation to a combination of another Indo-European root *k’le/ow ‘to hear’ with this very old word for a ‘name’ (that possibly goes back to aNostratic and probably older Boreal period of the history of languages of Eurasia). The latter mythopoetic phraseological combination is similar to the other Indo-European expressions that were describing the verbal action of praising a certain person. Such expressions like Old Ondian śravadhā‘to set fame’, ProtoSlavic *slavø děti testify to the inclusion of all such word combinations that described an old verbal action belonging to the system of the archaic rituals. In the old Slavic church terminology the latter expression transformed into a designation of those “who were praising the name (of the God)”). This term played an important role not only in the history of the Russian Orthdox Church of the previous cenrury< but also in the philosophy of mathematics. In this field the ideas of the “name-praising” thinkers were defended and developed by the Priest PavelFlorensky< mathematicians Egorov and Luzin anf a philosopher and Classical philologist Losev/ The success of the matematical ideas of this group of scholars has been widely discussed by the historians of science in the recent years.
The ancient Greek cobination of the noun όνόματα‘names’ with the root of θέσει ‘by a convenience, by setting, by an agreement’ was continued to be used in later Greek discussions concerning the philosophy of language< also by some thinkers who were critically disposed towards archaic ideas about the nanes and their use, for instance by Epicurus in «Epistula ad Herodotum». A continuation of these representations and terms might be seen in the works of those great Western European philosophers who had experienced Plato’s influence. A san example one may cite Søren Kierkegǻrd whose compositon of the books shows Plato’s influence. He continues the discussion of the «fitst inventor of the language» (første Opfinder af Sproget ), сf. synonymous ό θέμενος πρώτος τά όνόματα in «Cratylos» by Plato, 436b. According to the suggestion by Tronsky, just the notion of an «inventor» ia dominant one in the mythological range of the images of an ‘establisher of names’ (Tronsky 1936b, p. 8). Thia idea of Tronsky can be supported by a comparison of the old tradition reflected in Plato’s “Cratylos’ with the cognate Old Indian formulae. In «Rg-Veda» (X, 81 and 82) Vishvakarman appears as the master of the Speech that is continued in the later texts such as “Atharva-Veda” and “Shapatattha-brahmana”. But at the same time he is represented as a sculptor< smith and carpenter. A similar mythological creature is reperesented in Plato’s “Cratylos” as a Master of Speech. At the same time in the same Plato’s dialogue, 389а, he is called a “craftsman” (δημιουργος, cf. on Plato’s term Benveniste 1969 , ср. όνοματουργός). In a sequence he is compared y Plato to an artist< smith and carpenter almost in the same order of reenumeration as in Rg-Veda, X, 81). One may suppose here not only a common origin of the two Eaterrn-Indo-European mythopoetic traditions (a greek one and the Indo-Iranian one), but also identity of lingustic denotation and corresponding texts.
REFERENCES
Benveniste, Émile, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes. I-II Paris, Les Éditions de Minuit, 1969.
Goldschmidt V. Essai sur de «Cratyle», Contribution a l’histoire de la pensée de Platon. Paris, 1940.
Toporov, V.N. The World Tree. Universal Sign Complexes. Vol.1-2. Moscow. 2010 (in Russian).
Tronsky, I.M. From the history of the Classical linguisics. // Soviet linguistics. II. Leningrad, 1936а (in Russian).
Tronsky , I.M. Problems of the language in Classical science // Theories of styles and languages in antiquity.Ed. by O.M. Freudenberg, Moscow-Leningrad, 1936b (in Russian).

Alexey GLOUKHOV, Institute for Philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow. The reality of Plato's philosophy

Anatoly AKHUTIN. How is the truth told?

In Cratylus Plato associates the Cratylus' thesis "there are the names, which come by nature" with  Heraclitus' flux-thesis (401d5). It's rather strange at first glance:

(1) Instability of being accepts whatever rightness of the names, and historical Cratylus "only moved his finger" (Arist. Met. 1010a13).

(2) On the contrary, Heraclitus denies something like "natural rightness" of names: people deceive themselves by trusting to the words ("Bow: the bow's name (βις) is life (βος), though its work is death"(B48DK); because of the different names it seems there are two different things -- "day" and "night", "life" and "death", but in truth they are the same.

(3) Heraclitus' expression for the form of telling the truth is not the name, but logos (composition. constitution, account). "All things happen according to this logos", and he, Heraclitus explains in his logoi "words and deeds" by distinguishing "each thing according to its constitution" and declaring "how it is" (B1DK). His logoi are homological to the constitution of the things not as predicative assertion, but as aphorism closed in itself, as some riddle, as enigma.

(4) If "how it is" (the truth) is told neither as the name (S) nor as predicate (P) nor as assertion (S is P), but as a logos of such kind, one can understand as well the flux-thesis in a different way. Logos composes the telling speech in some enigmatic word. So what was told must be retold once more. The flow of speech homological to the flow of being is composed as metamorphosis of metaphors. The apparent world is only an allegory of unapparent being.

In a word:

The usual word-name is conventional; it doesn't apprehend the own nature of things. The word-predicate may be interpreted as some phonetic icon of the actions, but in this case it doesn't apprehend the stable "What" of the thing. Heraclitean word-logos tells the truth as riddle, it is dictum and contradictum at once. The truth is told as onto-logical contest between telling and concealment. M. Heidegger hears this contest in the Greek word aletheia.       

Ivan OSTCHEPKOV, Moscow State University . "The gift of Gods" in Philebus: Plato's Pythagorizing

Dmitry BOUGAY, Moscow State University . "The city of pigs" in Republic

Rustam GALANIN, Russian Christian-Humanitarian Academy , St. Petersburg . Rhetoric and Philosophy in Plato's Phaedrus

Plato is well known as a thinker never entirely relied on oral speech or writing , nevertheless such hostility to fundamental and deeply-rooted human skills did not prevent Plato himself became one of the greatest and timeless masters of world philosophical prose. That is why Phaedrus where rhetoric is under scrutiny and which kept and carried through the times unique Plato's attempt of defending rhetoric and including the last one in a field of philosophy is especially interesting for us. According to Phaedrus, rhetoric to become real techne should be provided with dialectical method of philosophy and thus is not to describe appearances that never are but only are coming to be. Rhetoric should describe essences or ideas of things, essences that only are. The question raised is: If this is the case, is there any difference between rhetoric and philosophy?

Plato is well known as a thinker that not only ever blamed rhetoric for lack of the Being and, consequently, for its connection with pseudos, he is also known as a philosopher who widely used rhetoric all along his life in all his works. We also know that Plato's Gorgias entirely devoted to blaming rhetoric for its philosophical and cultural inconsistency. The question is: what kind of rhetorical skills does Plato use in his philosophical mission? Is perfect and ideal orator in Phaedrus completely different or similar to same one in Gorgias?

If this is the case, I mean, if corollaries given in both dialogues are the same, why did many years later Plato need to publish his Phaedros if all he wanted to say about rhetoric was implied in Gorgias? Possible answers are: 1. Rivalry with Isocrates' rhetorical school and an attempt (hypothetical) of introduction of rhetorical courses in Academy concerned with the former. 2. Aristotle's rhetorical elaborations which can be seen as straight sequels of Phaedros' implications and vice versa, namely,(3) Phaedros would be seen as being inspired by the early Aristotle's Rhetoric.

How many rhetorics are? 1.The true one. 2.The false one. 3. The neutral one, neither true nor false but becoming one or another and depending on orator's intentions and purposes.

Marina WOLF, Institute for philosophy and law, Russian Academy of Sciences. A philosophical search and the paradox of Meno.

Elena V. ALYMOVA, St. Petersburg State University . Tragedy of Euripides Helen in the light of the philosophical discussions of the 5th century B.C.: the Sophists, Socrates, Plato

Within the space of the report it is intended to present a treatment of the Euripidean tragedy Helen (412 B.C.) in the wider context of the philosophical discussions of the 5th century. Helen belongs to the late plays of Euripides. The generic extravagance of the play has produced a lot of discussion concerning legitimacy of classifying Helen as the tragedy. Debates on the genre, interpretation of Helen as an example of a new generic form - as "tragicomedy" obscure the fact, that the real tragedy in this case consists not so much in the composition of the events, but in the dramatic process of knowing. This play mirrors practically all the contemporary intellectual problems concerning the nature of knowledge, the conflict between the essence of a fact and the possibility of a true judgment, the relation between name and thing,  the ambivalence of logos, the gap between "to be" and "to appear",  reality and appearance. The action of the play develops as a conflict between soma - onoma - eidolon, ergon - pragma - logos. These discussions, provoked by the sophists, involved Socrates and the philosophy of Plato followed in the wake of the same debates.

Igor GONTCHAROV, Syktyvkar State University . "The way upwards and downwards" in the dialectics of wisdom: ethos of non-being  in Plato's rationalism.

Andrey SERYOGIN, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences. Dogmatic, antidogmatic and dialogical approaches to interpreting Plato

This paper offers a discussion of major hermeneutic alternatives that have arisen in the scholarship on Plato in recent decades. According to the traditional ("dogmatic" or "doctrinal") approach Plato's dialogues convey their own philosophical views that we can reconstruct by applying certain analytical procedures to the text. The "dialogical" or "dramatic" approach insists that in order to correctly understand philosophical meaning of Plato's dialogues one has to take into account all the dialogical and literary aspects of his texts. The most radical version of this approach (called here "antidogmatic") thoroughly denies that it is possible to identify Plato's philosophical views on the basis of dialogical texts. The paper criticizes this last thesis, as well as "dialogical" approach as a whole, from moderately "dogmatic" standpoint.

Alessandro STAVRU, Wuerzburg. Erotikoi logoi within the Socratic circle

Eros is a major issue in the Socratic literature. We have Erōtikoi logoi in Plato, in Xenophon (Symposium and Memorabilia), Aeschines (Alcibiades and Aspasia), and in some very interesting - albeit scarce - testimonies of Antisthenes, Euclides, and Phaedo. Even the fragments of Aristippus are of interest, as his concern with hedone seems to be closely linked with erotic issues.

This paper focuses on the erotic "patterns" featured in the Socratic literature with the aim of analysing the theoretical and chronologic implications which arise from them. Such is e.g. the dichotomy between an "exterior" and an "interior" Eros that characterizes the erotic writings of Antisthenes, Aeschines, and Plato (an issue to which I devoted a recent article). This and other "patterns" as that of the Alcibiades-literature which flourished after Socrates' death will be tackled developing on the works of Heinrich Dittmar, Konrad Gaiser, Barbara Ehlers, Gregory Vlastos, Charles Kahn, and Michael Erler. In turn, this will provide also a better understanding of problems concerning the Platonic Corpus as a whole, as not only the Lysis, the Symposium and the Phaedrus deal with Eros: thoughout the dialogues and even in some spuria are featured "erotic patterns" (often in non-erotic contexts), and in some cases these enable to gain a general view on comprehensive chronologic issues.

Philippe HOFFMANN. Plato and Corpus Platonicum and its reception in the European tradition of history of philosophy

Igor SURIKOV. Athens and the Greek world in Plato's epoch: political history and trends in ideological life

To be sure, Plato's work was in a certain measure conditioned by the situation in the world where he lived and acted. And that was a world in which (especially after the Peloponnesian War) there was in the full force a development usually defined by scholars as "from the citizen to the subject". In Plato's native Athens there was nominally a democracy, but it is evident that in the democracy of the period in question there is already a bit of falseness. Monarchical attitudes were in the process of mighty rise. A circumstance which in any case favoured the process was that already in the course of the Corinthian War of 395-387 B.C. one thing became absolutely clear: Greek polis republics were in the state of collapse, and Hellas' fate was determined by the monarchic Persia (thence, besides, a high interest in the latter). Some other autocratic regimes also proved to be rather successful, even in the framework of the Greek world as such: Euagoras' tyranny in Cyprus , Dionysius' one in Sicily , a little later - Thessalian tyrannies. All such facts, of course, attracted the attention of the Athenians who were never indifferent to leading trends in political life. In the context cited should be considered, in particular, Plato's voyages to Sicily . Nearer to the middle of the fourth century, political situation changed again, and some hopes proved to be disappointed. Hence a new shift in Plato's views, that is evident to anyone who compares the Republic and the Laws.

Yuri SHICHALIN, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences.  The evolution of the genres of Plato's works on the background of the contemporary literature  in connection with the development of his School. The probable chronology of Corpus Platonicum.

Roman SVETLOV, Russian Platonic Society, St. Petersburg .  Socrates, death, Sparta

We have not got any texts of Socrates. That is the why Socrates' philosophy is presented as his biography. But each of biographical evidence in this case has a hermeneutic character and depends on the way of interpretation of the oral wisdom and practical ethos of Socrates.

Plato's Socrates has some "behavior" dominants. One of the them is the Lacedaemon stile of life. Platonic texts (especially texts of Plutarchos) has a number of evidences of Lacedemon's ethos. This fact was interpreted in the middle of XXth century in the theory of "Le Mirage Spartiate". But we can approve that Socrates of Plato's texts has features of Spartan ethos which is known from the sources of archaic and classic Greece . Some parallels for example: the poetry of Tirtaios and the understanding of philosophy in Phaedo; Socrates concept of the state and laws (Resp., Crito) and the early evidences of Sparta 's laws; the role of Delphoi in the sacralization of the Socrates and Lycurgus activity, etc. We intend also to demonstrate too that the image of the "Lacaedemon" Socrates in Plato texts is connected with the non-verbal aspect of Plato's philosophy.

Yuri SHICHALIN. Apology of Socrates - the first published work of Plato

Olga ALIEVA, Museum Graeco-Latinum, Moscow . Elenchus and "what is not": the Sophist vs. the Gorgias

The well-known sixth definition of the sophist in the homonymous dialogue contains a discussion of the elenchus (230a-e) which is often referred to as a manifestation of the late Plato's attitude towards this method of argumentation. According to this definition, the main function of elenchus is a cathartic one: it removes the opinions that obstruct the teaching. This passage is often regarded as corroborating the assumption that the Socratic elenchus is a "preliminary" only, though an essential one, to a "constructive philosophy" (Robinson, Kahn etc.).

The scope of this paper is to demonstrate that the function of elenchus in the Sophist is not confined to a mere 'purification'. To accomplish this task, we have to reinterpret the passage (230a-e) in its connection with the subject of the whole dialogue, notably with the dialectic of being and non-being. This dialectic not also secures the possibility for elenchus, but also presents it as a heuristic tool of full value.

Secondly, it is argued that the notion of elenchus as represented in the Sophist is in full compliance with the Socrates' practice and beliefs in the early Gorgias. Vlastos was the first to observe that in the Gorgias Socrates regarded the elenchus as a "truth-seeking device". This hypothesis was later criticised by scholars, but Socrates' remarks still remain very obscure. We hope to give a plausible explanation of these remarks in view of the epistemology elaborated in the Sophist.

Anastasia ZOLOTUKHINA, Moscow. The position of Crito in the Corpus Platonicum: former speeches and disputation pro et contra

In the history of chronological studies of the Corpus Platonicum Crito almost always was considered as a "sequel" (G. Ryle) to the Apology of Socrates, and, with rare exceptions, as an early and undoubtedly authentic dialogue (the few exceptions are Th. Gomperz, H. Thesleff, some Italian scholars). In this contribution I am going to check try to check the position of Crito in the Corpus, i. e. the early character and the authenticity of the dialogue, using the following criteria:

Literary features. Crito seems to depend on other dialogues (Phaedo, Protagoras and others), reproducing their literary details in abbreviated form, whereas Plato normally does not repeat himself. Formally Crito is a direct dramatic dialogue; considering the importance of form in the Corpus, such a dialogue could appear only after Theaetetus, when the interest to the last days of Socrates was renewed. The figure of Socrates will be examined separately.

References to former arguments. The characteristic and unique feature of Crito is the permanent use of references to former speeches. The addresses of these references, showing the connection of the dialogue with the tradition of Plato's School, will be examined, as well as some crucial issues such as ο πολλο.

Reflection of the contemporary school situation. The composition of Crito is influenced by a tendency of composing speeches pro et contra, probably diffused in the late period of Plato's Academy. A special place will be given to the speech of Laws in comparison with the Laws. It is possible to consider Crito, along with a group of other small dialogues, as a preparatory stage of collecting and discussing material for the Laws.

The dialectic of the way upwards and downwards. The ethos of nothing in Plato's rationalism.

The  Plato's practice of knowledge is very closely connected with practice of the power. The Truth and  The Justice are the general purposes of all kinds of knowledge. But people use  the "so called justice" instead the real  Justice.  The "so called justice"  opposes unjustice and depends of it. The false exists only with the truth, the life with the death because this order is the becoming order. When we rise upwards, we fall downwards at the same time. Whether there is an interval between these two conditions?  This is the "Instant", which no has any extent and divisibility. The Plato's dialectic in Parmenides continues Socrates   practice of death. The main argument in Pheado is  the real death of Socrates which has rendered a great influence on life of its pupils. The main purpose of Plato's dialectic is death without the dying.  During the process  of  dialectical study pupils have to see the real entity and truth without time and false.  This practice results the ethos of no-existence.  The real justice is the justice without the evil and good and every man, who wants to judge other people have to gain any of this justice. The part of no-existence  becoming  the foundation of power and so the myth of the general good forming the space of the power.  This arguments create the paradox of the power.  If the politic cause the social order, where his own place?  This paradoxal situation is the general feature of the  all administration orders.  "The role of king is playing by his servants, but the real king is nowhere".

Andrey ROSSIUS, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences. The authenticity of Crito: pro et contra.

Sergey MELNIKOV, Moscow State University . Plato's dialogue Euthydemus and history of ancient Platonism

Svetlana MESSIATS, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences. Philebus as Plato's answer to Aristotle.

S. KARAVAEVA, Moscow . Plato's Philebus in the context of Aristotle's search for the first elements and reasons

0. Philebus arouses interest not only due to the fact that it is a late Plato's dialogue, which presents all the key postulates of his teaching, but also due to its apparent affinity with Aristotle's four causes and principles. Hereby arises the question of whether Plato wanted to find common ground with Aristotle, or whether he puts forth his four principles as counterarguments in polemics with Aristotle. It is a questionable issue, the resolution of which is further complicated by the fact that the dialogue itself is identified by researchers as one of the most intricate and unsystеmatic Plato's dialogues.

1. The issue of the very possibility of comparison between the principles comes up against    a) the problematics of the Greek principle, and it is put forth here by Aristotle, whose teaching is aimed at searching for causes and principles of all that exists; and b) the possibility of relating (or, on the contrary, juxtaposing) the principles of Pythagoras and Plato and Aristotle's "physical" principles.

2. The comparison will be incomplete without emphasizing another issue that concerns the difference between the introduced principles in the structure of these philosophers' teachings. Aristotle begins with the four causes and principles, without which neither science nor knowledge are possible, and ends with what he considers the true basis of all knowledge and all science - the Intellect, which is the "first and most important principle" (Metaphysics 1064b). Hereby arises the question of how the Intellect relates to the four causes and principles, and, moreover, the basis for the union of the four principles remains unclear. In Philebus Plato relates his principles very differently, the links between them are apparent: the limit, its opposite - the unlimited, the blending of the two, and, finally, the fourth cause - the reason for the blending (the Intellect), which, it must be noted, was intentionally left as a part of this series.

3. And now, properly speaking, the key - Plato's fourth cause, which is central to his answer to Aristotle's four causes. This principle is the cause of blending and emergence, which he calls the Intellect, is a forming, defining, generating cause which can not be unambiguously related to Pythagorean principles, but refers us to Aristotle. We can hereby distinguish two issues: a) the Mind which is the "form of forms", primal mover, and the Mind as a cause - is it one Intellect, given in different aspects, or these are two different concepts; and b) what is the correlation between Plato's definition of the Intellect as "related to the cause" or "almost of the same kind" (Philebus 31a) and Aristotle's understanding of the cause, whereas he associates it with the principle - why does he, as laconic as he usually is, consistently use the two terms together, as he says that "all causes are principles" (Metaphysica, 1013a 17), as if doubling the principle itself. Concurrently with the seeming synonymy of these concepts we see that these are two semantically different words (aitia - guilt и arkhe -principle), and it is unclear how they can correlate, and, moreover, how they can be synonyms at all.

A. USACHEVA, Moscow. On the complex dating of Phaedrus

Irina MOCHALOVA, S. Petersburg State University. Plato's doctrine of Ideas in the context of the early Academic debates

An adequate understanding of Plato's dialogues is possible in a concrete historical context, which is primarily based on the intra-academic debate. In the 60-s of the 4th century BC the theory of Ideas had become the central theme.

Despite the variety of the shades of meaning of Idea due to the complexity of the context of Plato's dialogues, three main meanings can be distinguished: the visual-specific, logical-semantic and ontological.

The identification of the logical-semantic and ontological values Ideas has become the defining trend in the understanding of Ideas in the Academy in the result of that Ideas turn into substantivized generic and specific concepts. Ontologization of general concepts and logical links between them, leads to a number of contradictions and general conclusion of academics (Speusippus, Aristotle, Xenocrates) about the self-contradiction of ideas-notions, which means recognizing the falsity of both the ideas and the study of them.

Dialogues Parmenides and Sophist can be regarded as a response to the criticism of Plato. He comes to the conclusion about the need to demarcate the logical-semantic and ontological values of Ideas, which requires the rejection of Parmenides identity of being and thought about it, but allows keeping an Idea as eternal, immutable, self-identical being.

Ongoing debates led to the foundation of the so-called "doctrine of Ideas" in the Academy encouraging the students to create their own original teachings. This allows to speak about the formation of the early-Platonism as a separate period in philosophical study.

Dmitry SHMONIN, S. Petersburg . The Academy and scholastic academism: an example of Jesuit education of the 16th - early 17th century

The Academy of Plato played the central role in creating of the educational paradigm of "liberal arts". The "Greek arts" of the Athenian Academy , aimed at studying the world harmony, "reinforced" by Aristotelian logic and classification of disciplines, put the basis of Medieval education. Platonism, meantime, was hidden in the depth of patristic theology. Despite the changing of demarcation line between liberal arts and theology (in 6-16 cc.), as well as debates about the place of the "philosophia prima" (and "secunda") in the structure of knowledge, trivium and quadrivium were supporting construction at the structure of education. In the 16 c. when that tradition was in crisis, the Society of Jesus offered a Christian-scholastic version of the modernization of European education system. The Jesuits model has been successful, as evidenced by its expansion during 17-18 cc. One of features of the Jesuit education was a specific academism, which consisted of reasonable combination of conservatism and bold adaptation of the canons to the new conditions and challenges. "Philosophia perennis" of  Jesuits made it possible to save the modified by Medieval Christianity  the ancient idea of ​​the harmonious world viewpoint. And we can to say that the "classical" philosophy of the 17 c. did not keep this possibility.

Konstantin BANDUROVSKY, Russian State University for Humanities. Criticism of Plato's gnoseology in Thomas Aquinus

Thomas Aquinas created his theory of knowledge in constant dispute with the Platonic epistemology transferred in the subsequent tradition of Platonism as well as directly with the texts of Plato (the concept of ἀνάμνησις in the "Meno"). He rejects the concept of independent ideas, which are realized by human being in the process guidance. In contrast, Thomas puts forward an original three-stage epistemology - (1) empirical knowledge, (2) abstraction, (3) return to the empirical world on another level. In order to explain the existence of general ideas, Aquinas provides an insightful analysis of the process of abstraction. This antiplatonic position allows him to solve the most complex set of epistemological problems - from the problem of knowledge of the material world to the induction of proofs of the existence of God from the sensory properties of the comprehensible world. Epistemology of Thomas Aquinas is an interesting attempt to overcome the dichotomy between rationalism (Platonism) - empiricism (Aristotelianism), prior to the enterprise, produced by Kant. But it didn't influence on the development of philosophy (because of inopportunity) so strong, as Kant's one did. In essence, the opposition Platonism-Aristotelianism, as well as attempts to overcome this dichotomy is reproduced throughout the history of thought, including the present time. Therefore, reconstruction of the position of Thomas in this dispute may have not only historical-philosophical, but also quite actual significance.

Alexander MARKOV, Moscow . Terminological inconsistency of Platonist argument of the immortality of soul as revealed in the age of Counter-reformation and conception of motion in early modern science

Platonic argument about immortal soul as returning in the heaven was reinterpreted in Christian theology as metaphysical construction around the notion of the heaven as aim of human life and as cognitive and axiological model of the heaven as specific deserving object of cognition. These two sides of argumentation were in mix, but in the age of Counter-reformation it had become obvious, that the implicit proposition of all these constructions was changes of the soul, and this idea hadn't been compatible with representation of unchangeable form as true form of the soul. These contradictions were most sharp in Greek theology of the age, due to linguistic and cultural
peculiarities. It was principal to solve these difficulties in production of concepts, to prevent contradictions in motion descriptions in new European science. Revision of Platonist argument indirectly influenced on German and Russian idealism in modern philosophy.

M. SHAKHNOVICH. Colotes and his Polemics against Academics

The presentation deals with Colotes the Epicurean, the author of “Against Plato’s Lysis”, “Against Plato’s Euthydemus” and “Against Plato’s myth” and his criticism of Platonism. Special attention is devoted to his polemical book “On the point that it is not possible even to live according to the doctrines of the other philosophers”. In this work the concept of the “abstention from judgment” (epoche) by Arcesilaus is one of the main objects of criticism.

S. NIKONENKO, S. Petersburg State University.

Tatiana LEVINA, National Research University "Higher School of Economics". Platonism in Analytic Metaphysics

Willard van Orman Quine criticizing platonist philosophers, who were defending abstract objects, universals, possible worlds and nonexistent objects in his article "On what there is" (1948). He is sequentially criticizing their conceptions by defeating the argumentation. But in 2000s Quinean critique seems to be very radical. The rehabilitation of  abstract objects, universals, possible worlds and nonexistent objects have led to raise another questions - for example, on "uniformity" or "homogeneity" of ontology. Do objects of our world exist homogeneously or there are different ontological statuses of objects? Those questions were stated by Jonathan Schaffer in his meditation on fundamentals and Kris McDaniel on heterogeneity of objects in ontology.

As "possible worlds" and "universals" have directed analytical philosophers to the Philosophy of Middle Ages, so "fundamental grounds" lead to thorough reading of Aristotle. Additionally, this tendency to the "Renaissance" also includes platonic strategies, which presented by neofregeanism  (Bob Hale, Crispin Wright).

Metaphysics in Analytic Philosophy is developing and have come out of philosophy of language and Quinean principles. We hope that the movement "back to Aristotle" will be supported by the line of "back to Plato" and analytic metaphysics will elaborate new methods to work with difficult platonic terminology and the hierarchy of the Being will be described, as suggested by Plato and Aristotle.

Gassan GUSSEINOV, Moscow . On new interpretation of social body and communication in context of different national variations (if any) of "platonism"

Adam David ROTH, Ph.D. Assistant Professor and Basic Course Director Department of Communication Studies Harrington School of Communication and Media The University of Rhode Island, USA. Embodied rhetoric: Plaro on the similarities between rhetoric and madecine

Through Plato’s many attempts to discredit rhetoric and to demonstrate that it is not an art, he frequently compares it to medicine which he views as a model for a true techne. But as this paper will show, the opposition Plato draws between rhetoric and medicine does not last, and Plato becomes implicated in the historical moment he occupies, a moment during which the fluidity of disciplinary boundaries is still being widely acknowledged. In making this argument, I proceed as follows. First, I will examine the Gorgias to show that Plato’s portrayal of rhetoric as a “knack” or “skill” and an incomplete art is based on its being the opposite of medicine, a true techne. Second, I examine Phaedrus to show that Plato’s portrayal of rhetoric undergoes a radical change. When rhetoric is treated as a potentially true techne, its relation to medicine becomes rearticulated as one of interconnection, thus exposing the similarities between the two.
By tracing the process through which the stark opposition Plato draws between medicine and rhetoric becomes reexpressed as a similarity between the two, this paper also seeks a fuller interpretation of Plato’s attitude toward rhetoric, arguing against scholars who have claimed that the only evidence Plato gives us about an ideal rhetoric is through its relationship to dialectic. This essay shows instead that another way Plato attempts to capture the potential of rhetoric as a true art is through its intricate relationship to medicine.

Nadezhda VOLKOVA, Moscow . Plutarch and Plotinus as exegetes of Plato's Timaeus

Tradition of exegesis of Timaeus in Old Academy and Middle Platonism. Surviving commentaries on the dialog. Plutarch's On the Generation of the Soul in the "Timaeus" as the first of the extant commentaries on Timaeus. The main principles of Plutarch's exegesis. Attempt to find authentic doctrine of Plato. The particular features of Plotinus' exegesis. The doctrine of the World Soul and the Whole Soul in the light of Timaeus' cosmology.

Dmitry KURDYBAILO, S. Petersburg State Univsersity. Number, Being, and Space in the Philosophy of Plotinus

The style of apophatic thinking, which forms the Plotinian description of the One, provides a specific look at the nature of place and space. Plotinus turned out to become, probably, the first ancient philosopher who was able to overcome the traditional Hellenic visual (and consequently spatial) implications that accompanied the conceptions of the intelligible realm, since Plato and Aristotle (cf. the eldest meanings of εδος, δα, μορφ).

In spite of Plotinus introducing no new doctrine regarding neither place or space nor the whole metaphysics, the traditional Platonic topics (such as the intelligible place of Phaedrus or triangular cosmogonic geometry of Timaeus) obtain a new level of understanding. The subtle dialectics of continuity in sensible and intelligible realms provide a key to interrelate the theory of ideal numbers (Enneads VI.6), the problem of intelligible and "numeric" matter (recognized as "the great-and-small" in Aristotle rendering the unwritten doctrine of Plato), and the genesis of physical extent (of both space and time).

The least makes physical objects to be located in different places, mutually excluding presence of one object where another is already present. Such kind of ontological "hostility" is opposed to universal permeability of the intelligible realm and is exposed as the consequence of "existence" of matter. Generally, the capability to extent is said to be one of the basic features appearing from the association of matter and quantity, thus providing us with logical ground necessary to reconstruct the Plotinian view on another famous problem of Plato's Timaeus - the χρα, which combines spatial and ontological meanings in description of "the third genus," i.e. the matter.

Valery PETROFF, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences. Anagogic prayer in Iamblichus and Proclus and its reception in Christian Neoplatonism

Theurgic prayer in Iamblichus: three steps of prayer. "True" or "perfect" prayer in Proclus as a five-step process of the soul's uplifting, culminating in the union with gods. Theoretical and metaphysical principles that make possible the soul's uplifting in prayer. Symbola and synthemata as tokens helping the gods and the beings remember the mutual kinship. The teaching on prayer in Iamblichus and Proclus: a comparison. The acquaintance of some 13th-Century Latin Theologians with Proclus' teaching on prayer. Theurgic context of Proclus' teaching. The relationship of prayer and hymn. Anagogic prayer in the Corpus Areopagiticum: mysterial and theurgic allusions. Prayer as uplifting and initiation. Divine names as uplifting synthemata. A "great shining chain" of the hymn-prayer.

Filip IVANOVIC. Faculty of Humanities, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim. Participation in Dionysius the Areopagite.

In Platonic terms “all things to which we apply the term ‘many’ participate” in something beyond the world of matter, while for Neoplatonists there is a higher aspect that is unparticipated (One) and the “lower” aspect which is participated (Henads).
In Christian sphere, since God is the cause of all things, then all things have a share (participate) in God, and so Dionysius the Areopagite claims that God communicates himself to those who participate in him. This does not mean that there is some sort of a pantheistic understanding of a being as a fragment of the divinity, but that creatures owe their being to God. However, God himself remains unshared, and there is an ontological separation between him and his creation. What creatures do participate in are the acts of God, which are participated but do not participate.
The aim of this paper is to examine the Areopagite’s doctrine of participation, in comparison with the (Neo-)platonic understanding of participation.

Maya PETROVA, Moscow . Polemic between Epicureans and Platonists concerning the use of myth in philosophy as presented in Nacrobius' commentary on the dream of Scipio

The paper treats the way in which Macrobius reproduces Colotes of Lampsacus' criticism of Platonic benevolent attitude towards admittance of myth in philosophical reasoning. Among the topics considered are the content side of the dispute and the arguments of the parties are under consideration; Macrobius' classification of the types of fiction acceptable to the philosophy; the rationale of Platonists' inclusion of myth in  philosophical discussions.

Macrobius' particular approach to the use of myths into philosophical reasoning is analyzed, as also the arguments pro et contra he gives in his Commentary, and the difference between myth (fabula) and fictional narrative (narratio fabulosa).

The attempt to reconstruct the main arguments of the parties in dispute including Macrobius' own attitude to the problem.

It is shown that Macrobius, who gives an account of the dispute between Platonists and Epicureans, joins the former and states that philosophy does not reject the fiction completely although it does not accept all kind of myth since philosophers should use allegories, parables and symbols not in every discussion.

Dmitry BIRYUKOV, S. Petersburg State University. The concept of infinity in Alexandrian school of Neoplatonism and "Byzantine scholasticism".

I will consider the topic of infinity according to John Philoponus, John Damascenes and members of the Alexandrian Neoplatonist school. I will show that, against the background Aristotelian understanding of infinity which denies an existence of an actual infinity and admits an existence of a potential infinity, it appears the two extreme positions. Firstly, it is Philoponus' discourse which, based on rejecting an existence of an actual infinity, inclines to rejecting of a potential infinity as well, for that reason, that for Philoponus a potential infinity is reduced to an actual one. Secondly, it is Damascenes' discourse which is opposite to a discourse of Philoponus and which admits an existence of an actual infinity.

Igor BERESTOV, Novosibirsk State University . Plotinus's neutralisation the proofs (via regressus ad infinitum) for impossibility to connect somehow something with something

The world of Nous in Plotinus can be interpreted as the answer to the previous proofs of impossibility to connect somehow something with something. The common feature of these proofs is the using in them a premises, falling under the following ones:

(-Inf) It is impossible to fulfill a infinite sequence of conditions, so that for fulfillment of each condition the condition which is following after it should be fulfilled;

(Nex) To connect somehow something with something, there must be a connection, which is connected, in turn, by some connection to each of the connected things.

The arguments based on (-Inf) and (Nex) are found in Parmenides' (28 B 8.22-25 DK) and Zeno's of Elea (29 B 3 DK) proofs of impossibility for any multiple being to exist, as well as in Plato's "the Third Man Argument" (Parm. 132a1-132b2; 132d3-133a1).

Plotinus accepts (- Inf) and (Nex). But he could have pointed out that it is impossible to deduce impossibility of any multiple being only from (-Inf) and (Nex). The existence of an arbitrary sequence of necessary conditions does not imply that these conditions must always be fulfilled sequentially, and cannot be fulfilled simultaneously.

To demonstrate that some infinite sequences generated by (Nex), can be fulfilled only simultaneously and not sequentially, if at all, Plotinus in VI. 7 9-14 proposes to accept, along with (-Inf) and (Nex), the following premise:

(P↔T) Any eidos in the world of Nous exists if and only if all possible connections of this eidos with all eidē in Nous exist.

Consequently, all eidē in Nous are interdependent ones in their existence and are infinite in number. Their fulfillment is only possible as simultaneous one, but not as sequential one. So (-Inf) does not prevent the fulfillment of all eidē in Nous simultaneously.

Nikolay GRINTSER, Russian State University for Humanities. Platonic etymologies: meaning and context

The paper would deal with the so-called "etymological wordplay" in the texts of Plato analyzed from several different angles: Plato's attitude to Sophistic etymological observations and the general possibility of reconstructing Sophistic linguistic theory from Platonic dialogues and other sources;

Etymology as an argument in the structure of Platonic dialogues (Sophist, Protagoras, Philebus)

Meaning of the etymological argumentation in the Cratylus in the context

of the dialogue's inner rhetorical and logical organization;

of the place etymology holds in Plato's general idea of language

The ultimate goal is to demonstrate following some recent research in the field (especially, that of David Sedley) that etymology should be consider as a rather "solid" piece within the inventory of Plato's argumentation, the more so as it becomes the point of polemics with some rhetorical and philosophical counterparts of Plato. The question of whom this polemics was aimed at and what sense it implied will be also discussed in the context of both literary and wider intellectual tradition.

Vyatcheslav IVANOV, Russian State University for Humanities, Moscow State University , Moscow-Los-Angeles. Plato and Pasternak

1. Pasternak studied Greek in his college (a Gymnasium of a pre-revolutionary period). Later on he mostly remembered how  he and his school-mates were rude towards the teacher of Ancient Greek; in our conversations he mentioned that he "had missed Greek". But still his knowledge of the language in the University years made it possible to look into Plato's originals comparing them to the translations  and to the later comments. In his youth the intimate  friendship with a cousin, Ol'ga Freudenberg, a future famous  Classical scholar, was another reason for the Platonian studies and  discussions about Plato.

2. From his studies of Plato and the Greek philosophy at large  at the univesities of Moscow and Marburg Pasternak learned  the notion of the 'Demon'   (Δαμων) as it appears according to Plato's dialogues describng Socrates. There is a phrase regarding the Demon of Plato in Pasternak's  notes on Cohen's book (on the Kantian theory of experience) written im Moscow before he went to Marburg in the spring of  1912.  In later years Pasternak uses the  Greek word   δαμων in the meaning of a Demon- bearer of the personal Fate of each human being. In this meaning the term appears in the letter to his friend K.Lox written in January  28 of 1917г., several months before he composed a poem "To the Demon. In memoriam". In this letter he spoke of the preceding years in which he was "playing  with his δαμων". In the poem the same idea of the  role of the Demon in the past was repeated. It see evident that in the poem Pasternak says farewell not only to the Demon of Lermontov, Vrubel', Blok, but aso to his own one. The latter is understood in a Platonian sense. In the following years Pasternak keeps to mention the Demon whose appearance is connected  both to Plato and Lermontov.    

3. In a letter to me on July the 1 of 1958 Pasternak speaks about his own view  of the Art. He considers it to be close to Plato's idea according to which  υ μαινόμενοι  should not deal with it. I think that this remark can be compared to a formula in the summary of the talk of Febrary   1913г. "Symbolism and immortality",  where the Art is defined as "madness without a madman".

4. In the summer of  1930 in Irpen' Pasternak wrote a manifesto poem "Irpen' is a memory of people and of the summer ". In its last lines (which according to Nadezhda Mandel'stam her husband cjnsidered to be the best in the whole Russian poetry) "The Banquet" by Plato is united to "The Feast at the Time of the Plague" by Pushkin. In the poem Pasternak addresses Plato's Diotima and at the same time speaks of the harp-playing Mary in the text by Pushkin (the selection of female persons is connected to Pasternak's view on the woman's fate. 

5. in the later ideas of Pasternak concerning the connection of his own art and the modern science (that he discussed with me in April of  1960г.  Being mortally ill) one might see the reflection of Plato's Cave image.  Aссording to Pasternak's his own poetry and prose as well as the science of our time  do not deal with the outer reality. Iy is  hidden from us by a curtain. We may see and describe in the Art and the Science only the trembling of this curtain. In other terms one might speak of a probabilistic pattern of the world.

Nina BRAGINSKAYA, Russian State University for Humanities. Notes on some blind spots of mimesis theory.

Mimesis by Plato has different meanings in the same dialogue, for it is not a term but a ‘family’ of images and notions embraced by protean word.
Discussion of art as being thrice removed from nature (Rp 597e) is widely recognized exemplary for understanding mimesis in arts by Plato. In my opinion, the passage hides a sophistic trick and a substitution of the point of the matter.
Only in this passage Plato makes god produce ideas ― in this particular case, an idea of bed. Following this idea, a carpenter correspondingly produces a wooden bed, and an artist a painted one. One may comprehend differently how ideas and god are related: some think that ideas serve as paradigms for him like in ‘Timaeus’, others imagine ideas to be a part of his sophia, and it is not excluded that the idea of the supreme Good causes the existence of all the ideas and is identical with god. But nowhere in Plato’s dialogues god produces (ergazetai) ideas similar to a craftsman.
Plato speaks about painting in order to condemn drama and epic poetry (qua dramatic performance), his true opponent. To make his task easier, Plato introduces painting of an artificial object as a model, while in poetry, it seems to me, there is nothing to play the role of a ‘wooden bed’ as a model. Noteworthily, a painter in Republic does not paint for instance a deer, because in this case one would say that it is an idea of a deer that is a model, and no deer could sit for a portrait.
Probably, in the passage, god becomes a ‘builder’ of ideas, and the painter is taken as a copyist of another artisan’s work in order not to put god and/or demiurge on the same level as a creator of tragedy. Otherwise both, god and a poet, have ideas as their models, and one creates kosmos, while the other ― kosmos epōn.
As it has been shown by Koller, Else, Sörbom and others, in the Greek language of the Vth century mimesis (with all the related words) designated:
1. 'Miming:' direct representation of the looks, actions, and/or utterances of animals or men through speech, song, and/or dancing (dramatic or protodramatic sense): Arist. Poet. I (1447 b 10) and Frag. 72 R. h. Horn. Apoll. 163; Aesch. Cho. 564; Pind. Pyth. 12.21; idem Frag. 94 b Sn.; idem Frag. 107 a Sn.
2. 'Imitation' of the actions of one person by another, in a general sense, without actual miming (ethical sense): Theog. 370 (date perhaps doubtful).
3. 'Replication': an image or effigy of a person or thing in material form (mimema only): Aesch. Frag. 364 N8.; idem, P Oxy. 2162.4
It means that verb mimeisthai presupposes three-dimensional and dynamic imitation accompanied or not by imitation of voice and sound by voice and sound. I think that three dimensions are not to be ignored, for only effigy and not plane picture could be called mimema.
On the way of creating an abstract idea of imitation, representation etc., that is, imitation of anything by anything, Socrates proceeds from mimesis in common usage as we have just described it. But the ideal world of ideas is immovable, and has no dimensions. In ‘Cratylus’ Plato works separately with mimesis of sound and voice as a way to understand meanings of the words. Word is so to say ‘closer’ to an idea, because the meaning of a word has no spatial dimensions, and changes of words’ forms and meanings were not recognized in Plato’s epoch. My task is not to treat the linguistic theory presented in ‘Cratylus’, I would like only to point to the fact that here too Soctares appeals to the common notion of mimesis of the body by the body in order to show that voice mimesis cannot not provide us with the name of a creature that has been mimiced, and in order to get rid of the common notion and create a new and philosophical one.
For Plato, the discussion of mimesis in painting was also a way to transform an original meaning of mimesis into abstract. Skiagraphia (shadowpainting) is not a word invented by Plato, but we first find it in his works. To what pictorial technic he refers is highly debatable. Nevertheless it is indisputable that Socrates charges skiagraphia with being blurred: at close distance pictures of this technique prove to be indistinguishable. Mimesis is not ‘true’ in common (‘three-dimensional’ sense) and on this ground Socrates accuses any art, includong poetry and drama, of being untrue.
As people of literacy we are accustomed to dealing with signs instead of three-dimensional objects, we easily operate with non spatial abstractions and we effortlessly represent a body on a plane. Finally our words mostly have general meaning and we do not have special terms for imitation or representation by any means: embodiment, implementation and realization are just synonyms.
Using raw materials of common language in constructing his philosophical discourse Plato makes several substitutions: he substitutes mimic phoniness for poetry (choreia), creating bodiless ghosts and asomatous shadows for representation of the three-dimensional objects on flat surface ,and copying the results of a human work for embodiment of tragic or epic images. Nevertheless tacitly Plato leaves for a poet a possibility to occupy a position not lower than that of a carpenter, and similar to god in ‘Timaeus’ who creates the universe looking at the ideas.

Irina MAKAROVA, National State University "Higher School of Economics". The law and political virtues in Plato

In Resp. VI Plato notes a dismal existence of some "virtuous citizens" in an ordinary polis. "The manner in which the best men are treated in their own States is so grievous that no single thing on earth is comparable to it" (488a). Plato sketches two kinds of life of the "virtuous citizen" - either the early inglorious and useless death or the useless existence. Plato sees this situation as a paradox. Who are these virtuous citizens? Why the virtue of these men can't be coordinated with the present State order? Why the law-abiding and virtuous polites becomes a victim of the state. The main hypothesis of my paper is that these questions could be answered if we try to think the parallel between Antigone who knowingly broke the law of the polis and Socrates who knowingly observed the law.

Yuri ASSOYAN, Russian State University for Humanities. Towards the Genesis of the Idea of Culture: The Interpretation of Plato's Paideia by M. Heidegger and W. Jaeger

The paper analyzes the content and the meaning of the concept "paideia" (ancient-greek notion for education) in Werner Jaeger's and Martin Heidegger's interpretations. The idea of the connection between german concepts "Bildung" and "Kultur" and greek "paideia" appeared in german classical philology in the middle of XIX century. But it was Werner Yeager who formulated this idea most clearly. He stated that "paideia" gave rise to the European idea of culture in general. In the paper we will try to compare his conception with Martin Heidegger's one.

In the article "Plato's doctrine of the truth" Heidegger reviews the relation of the concepts "paideia" and "aletheia" - "education" and "not-hidden" (truth) in Plato's philosophy. He considers, that it's "paideia", which transforms "truth - not-hidden" into a particular "idea of the truth". This idea contains the beginning of value thinking. "Value thinking" is "culture" in a variant very widespread, but absolutely unacceptable for Heidegger. That's why this Heidegger's thought is to be understood as detection of the dangerous closeness between Plato's "paideia" and the "idea of the culture".

In the interpretations which connect Plato's "paideia" with the ideas of "culture and education" we can observe some guidelines of German academic community of 1930s. As B. Readings commented, the classical philology did in Germany the important work - constructing of "culture-subject". Necessity of adressing to Greeks was supported by the statement about the connection of "Bildung" and "Kultur" with "paideia". Heidegger's interpretation of Plato's parable of the cave will be clearer, if this context is taken into account. It is better included in the area of contemporary questions, then we can consider paying attention only to the circle of metaphisical meanings.

Alexander MIKHAILOVSKY, Higher School of Economics . Philosophy as esoteric knowledge in Plato and Heidegger

The German-American political theorist Hannah Arendt once defined the Platonism as tyranny of truth. In my presentation I'll try to interpret Heidegger's project of Dozentenakademie during his Rektorat-period (1933-34) in accordance with the Platonic model of community described in Politeia. I proceed on the hypothesis that Heidegger's notion of philosophy as the principal science was conceived as esoteric and elitist one and knowingly opposed to its public devaluation within the improper mode of being (Uneigentlichkeit). In my paper the lecture Ueber das Wesen der Wahrheit (1933-34) is mainly discussed where Heidegger analyzes Plato's allegory of the Cave and thinks correspondingly the "German revolution" as a unique event that allows the decisive integration of politics and philosophy.

Michail MAIATSKY, Higher School of Economics . Denazification of Plato in post-war Germany

The paper analyses the post-war German efforts to "denazify" Plato. One should distinguish at least 4 types of such a rehabilitation: 1) conservative (Nebel, Jaeger); 2) democratic (Weinstock, Kuhn); 3) Marxist (mostly from the RDA historians), and 4) mock-denazification (Hildebrandt, Wichmann). These efforts were developped along with the polemic against the very influential 1st volume of K. Popper's Open Society and Its Enemies.

Andrey OLEYNIKOV, Russian State University for Humanities. Leo Strauss's Political Platonism and Paradox of Democracy

Among the most influential political philosophers of the 20th century, who reacted critically to the modern times and insisted on returning to classical legacy, Leo Strauss is distinguished by his sheer preference for Plato over Aristotle. As a result of this returning there has been the original interpretation of Plato's philosophy, where the central place belongs not to the doctrine of ideas, but to the question of political conditions of possibility for philosophy as such and for the life of a philosopher particularly. The main issue of the paper is the problem of democracy in works by Strauss. In his works democracy is the only political regime, in which philosophy could appear, but it is definitely not the best political regime. According to Strauss democracy being the government of majority and the power of uneducated people does not favour the formation of civic virtues, but indulges base desires and a gallery play thereby endangering the existence of philosophy. Strauss constantly accentuated the antidemocratic character of classical philosophy. This position is less problematic. The much more problematic is the fact of democratic genesis of classical philosophy in the context of such a reconstruction of its basic principles.

Ekaterina KOSTITSYNA, Russian State University for Humanities. Plato and Rome in Hannah Arendt's Political Theory 

The main subject of this report is the significance of Plato in the context of Hannah Arendt's reflections on Roman politics. We will show that in her theory there is a place not only for the Plato as a destroyer of the Greek vita activa, but for Plato post vitam activam. In different context, in Rome , according to Hannah Arendt, the role of creative thought of Plato opens in full measure. Plato anticipates the Roman political concept of "authority" (auctoritas). In this way the philosopher often appears on the pages of the late Arendt's works, and provides a necessary step in the building of Arendt's theory of judgment. Although contradictory nature of this theory is debatable, we will show the sequence of Arendt's thought and Plato's positive role in its formation.

Yuri TIKHEYEV, Russian State University for Humanities. A. Losev and German Platonic studies of the first half of the twentieth century

This paper aims to reveal the relationship between Platonic studies made in first half of the twentieth century, on the one hand, by A. Losev in Russia and, on the other hand, by such scholars as J. Stenzel, H. Gomperz, E. Hoffmann, H. Leisegang in Germany. Early Losev's writings are focused on the approaches prevailed in European Platonic studies of nineteenth century. His Eros in Plato (1916) depends on the erotic teaching of V. Solovyev, and his exploration of terminological basis of theory of ideas (1919) is based on detailed linguistic analysis of terms eidos and idea made by C. Ritter. But after critical assessment, these approaches were rejected as inappropriate to his own research program. To evaluate this program, it is important to take in account that Losev was one of the most significant Russian philosophers of that time. His views were close to the Neo-Hegelianism (Russian and German) that especially evident in his interpretation of dialectic as a method to combine rational and irrational principles. Due to this fact, Plato considered in his works first of all as dialectician. And later, Losev himself pointed out in his "Essays in ancient symbolism and mythology" (1928) that his approach to Plato is philosophical interpretation. Philosophical milieu of the epoch was reflected in his works and provided resemblance of his position on Plato with such one of mentioned above German scholars.

Valery PETROFF, Institute for philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences. Plato and his doctrine in Sigizmund Krzyzanowski (1887-1950).

Vyacheslav IVANOV. On the first russian translations of Plato in the XVIII century A.D

As found by Dm.Tchizhevsky in Old Russia no translations of Plato were known. The first Russian translations of the dialogues "Phedon" and "The Banquet" appeared in a Masonic journal "The Morning Light" by N. Novikov in 1777-1780. At 1780- 1785 a three-volume edition of the translations of 25 Plato's dialogues by the Priest Ioann S idorovsky and Matvei Pakhomov was published. On the base of  a footnote in the second volume of this collection (published in 1783) it can be supposed that  at least some translations of the other dialogues (especially of "Sophist")  were ready  to be printed in the following volume that never appeared. Probably  this edition was among many other projects  that were suspected to be dangerous at the time of the French Revolution that scared the Queen Catherine the Great (as a result a lot of Novikov's publications including those of a  scholarly character were prohibited and even ordered to be destroyed and Novikov himself as also the great author Radishchev  was emprisoned: in Russia  there is no border between politically dangerous and  scholarly innovative). The edition by Sidorovsky and Pakhomov was meant to make Plato-s ideas clear for a larger audience. Besides translations  into the highly elavated style of the Russian literary language close to  Church Slavonic (as practiced in the prayers in the Russian churches) a relatively long summaries of the contents of each dialogue were included. Also the pricipal parts of  the dialogue were summed up in marginal notes on the borders  of some pages. The terminology in particular in the  fields  close to  mathematics and semiotic studies was innovative and partly survived in the scientific Russian vocabulary of the following centuries.

Andrey ROSSIUS. The Russian text of Plato: the contemporary state

Irina MOCHALOVA. The "enigma" of Plato: on basic trends in contemporary Russian Platonic studies (from the second half of the 20th century)